CommonWealth: Democratic supermajority not so super

Democratic supermajority not so super” — Jonathan Cohn, CommonWealth (5/27/2017)

IN THE YEAR FOLLOWING a presidential election, the Massachusetts Democratic Party updates its platform. A party platform can stand as a defiant statement of goals and ideals, and a roadmap for a legislative agenda and priorities. In today’s national political climate, such aspirational declarations are especially important as they offer voters something to fight for and something to vote for.

The platform released just last week contains new planks on paid family and medical leave, a $15 minimum wage, automatic voter registration, and the elimination of mandatory minimum sentences, bolstering what was already, by and large, a progressive document.

On Saturday, June 3, delegates from across the state will convene in Worcester to approve the platform, perhaps with a few amendments to make it stronger.

On Monday, June 5, if the past is any guide, our overwhelmingly Democratic Legislature will proceed to completely ignore it.

Read the full article here.

DigBoston: The Progressive Mass Agenda

The Progressive Mass Agenda” — Dig Staff, Dig Boston (5/10/2017)

In addition to identifying Massachusetts politicians who share common values with those of us who believe that evil corporations should be punished (and who agree with other sensible leftist ideals of that sort), the advocates at Progressive Massachusetts also have an actionable list of promising bills broken down into four categories: Infrastructure and Environment; Shared Prosperity; Racial and Social Justice; Good Government. We encourage you to check out the group’s legislator scorecard, as well as all its research at progressivemass.com. In the meantime, here’s a snapshot of the priorities for Progressive Mass in 2017. -Dig Editors

SHNS: Beacon Hill progressives call for action on legislation

Beacon Hill progressives call for action on legislation” — Katie Lannan, State House News Service (5/4/2017)

“We have a fully Democratic Legislature, supermajorities. We have a governor who’s a Republican, but we have veto-proof majorities, so what’s the issue there?” said Harmony Wu, who serves on the group’s board of directors. “Something’s been missing. Many things have been missing, but one piece that we haven’t had in Massachusetts is a sustained, long-term, grassroots-organizing, citizen-advocacy push where we are speaking up with one voice saying we are tired of this way, we’d like to see leadership in this way.”

…..

John Kirk, a member of the group’s Needham chapter, said the lobby day is part of an effort to help the state “fulfill its progressive promise” by letting them know “the passion’s real” behind the issues.

“Since it’s a Democratic-controlled Legislature, why don’t we pass these obvious bills that everybody’s in favor of and make perfect sense? Well, we’re trying to figure that out,” said Kirk.

Is Beacon Hill Ready to Stand up to Trump?

If you’re like us, your inbox has been swamped over the past few months with rallies and action alerts about how to fight the reactionary Trump-McConnell-Ryan agenda coming out of Washington.

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Massachusetts is in position to be a leader in the resistance against Trump’s agenda–and a beacon of progressive policy for the rest of the country.

Although our Republican governor, Charlie Baker, is not going to stand up to Trump as much as he should, Attorney General Maura Healey has been at the forefront of fighting for civil rights and environmental protection, among other issues, in the Age of Trump.

And Massachusetts has the third largest Democratic supermajorities in the country, with 34 out of 40 senators and 126 out of 160 representatives. In theory, then, whether or not Baker is willing to fight Trump, the Legislature has the votes to do so.

But…

The Legislature, as our scorecards (and brand new scorecard page) show, routinely fails to live up to the ideal of what one might hope for from a Legislature this overwhelmingly blue.

Trump has created a sense of urgency among progressive voters. But, based on statements on policy and priorities, we have yet to see that same urgency from the State House.

A Beacon Hill Committee to Focus on Trump

In late March, Speaker Bob DeLeo appointed nine House Democrats to a working group to guide responses to “unprecedented actions” of the Trump administration.

The group consists of House Majority Leader Ron Mariano (D-Quincy); Speaker Pro Tem Patricia Haddad (D-Somerset); Assistant Majority Leader Byron Rushing (D-South End); House Bonding, Capital Expenditures and State Assets Chair Antonio Cabral (D-New Bedford); House Steering, Policy and Scheduling Chair James Murphy (D-Weymouth); Public Health Chair Kate Hogan (D-Stow); Health Care Financing Chair Jeffrey Sanchez (D-Jamaica Plain); Rules vice chair Marjorie Decker (D-Cambridge), and Export Development vice chair James Arciero (D-Westford).

The working group is tasked with coming up with legislative solutions that are both “necessary and feasible.” The devil, of course, will be in the details….

…whose definitions of “necessary” and “feasible”?

…Will this group aggressively push a progressive agenda, or will they settle for the lethargic status quo?

We plan to follow the working group to the best of our abilities as it moves forward. But what do we know so far?

According to State House News Service, the group will focus on “economic stability, health care, higher education, and the state’s most vulnerable residents.”

Strong, progressive policies on all of these issues have been proposed this session. (We center our Legislative Agenda on many of them!)

Where do the working group members stand on them?

Economic Stability:

Trump, along with Mitch McConnell and Paul Ryan, wants to make an economy that works just for the top 1%. How do we promote shared prosperity by contrast? We could do so by passing a $15 minimum wage and paid family and medical leave, for starters.

Four out of the nine–Cabral, Decker, Hogan, and Rushing–have co-sponsored the Fight for $15 bill. Six–Cabral, Decker, Haddad, Hogan, Murphy, Rushing–have signed on to paid family and medical leave.

Health Care:

Trump wants to repeal the Affordable Care Act, denying health care to millions. The task facing progressives is to improve and expand upon the Affordable Care Act with a single payer/Medicare for All system that truly enshrines health care as a human right.

So far, only two out of the nine–Decker and Rushing–have signed on to such legislation.

Trump and the Republican Congress also have their sights set on taking away women’s rights over their own bodies. Congress has already passed legislation enabling states to defund Planned Parenthood. Progressives shouldn’t stand for that. One of the members of the working group, Rep. Haddad, is a leader sponsor of the ACCESS bill, which would require insurance carriers to provide all contraceptive methods without a copay. Decker, Hogan, Rushing, and Sanchez have joined her in support of this bill.

Higher Education:

Massachusetts has been under-investing in higher education for years, leading to higher tuition costs and spiraling student debt. Trump could make matters worse by reducing funding for higher education institutions and federal student aid, as well as by encouraging the expansion of predatory for-profit institutions.

Only one of the nine–Rep. Decker–has come out in support of making public colleges and universities tuition-free for Massachusetts residents. Rep. Arciero joins her in a strong, but less ambitious, goal of debt-free higher education.

Protecting the State’s Most Vulnerable:

Massachusetts has the opportunity to stand up to the federal deportation machine by passing the Safe Communities Act, which would prohibit the use of state resources for deportation raids and limit local and state police collaboration with federal immigration agents. The TRUST Act, its predecessor, stalled in committee year after year. But the necessity of the bill grows stronger each day.

Four out of the nine working group members are supporters of the Safe Communities Act–Cabral, Decker, Rushing, and Sanchez.

We can look back to last session for insights into the working group. Four out of the nine members of the committee matched the Speaker vote-by-vote on our scorecard of the last session (Arciero, Cabral, Haddad, Hogan). Two of them were more conservative than the Speaker (Mariano, Murphy), and three were more progressive (Decker, Rushing, Sanchez).

The House doesn’t take many roll call votes, but some can be illustrative. Last July, for example, the House voted to make state-issued IDs compliant with the federal REAL ID law per request of Governor Baker (H.4488). Real ID’s strict documentation requirements make getting a state-issued ID more difficult for the young, the elderly, trans individuals, people of color, the poor, and many legal immigrants. H.4488 also forestalled efforts to allow undocumented immigrants to obtain driver’s licenses, something which–unlike REAL ID–would increase public safety.

Decker, Rushing, and Sanchez sided with Massachusetts’s vulnerable populations. The other six sided with the Governor.

Massachusetts Democrats often talk a good game about opposing Trump.

But will they put their priorities and votes where their mouths are this session?

The Democratic Platform Process: Make it Progressive, Make Sure They Act on It

We’ve worked with ORMA and PDA to come up with solid progressive principles to help guide advocates engaging in the MassDems platform hearings. Check them out–but remember, the party platform is not policy. We have to hold lawmakers to account for the values in their party’s platform.

Many of our activist member volunteers work with the Democratic party, a fundamental principle of our point of view is that the Democratic party—especially in Massachusetts—needs to be pulled, and sometimes pushed, to the left. While  the Democratic ideals are on the whole worthwhile, the actual practice of governing has not yielded progressive policy:

  • Massachusetts does not have paid family and medical leave
  • Massachusetts has been chronically underfunding education from pre-K to higher-ed.
  • Massachusetts does not have single-payer health care, or even a plan to move in that direction
  • Massachusetts has a criminal justice system that replicates the racial injustices seen in other states
  • Massachusetts is not a “sanctuary” or “safe community” state
  • Massachusetts has undergone a series of devastating budget cuts for years, to accommodate a tax structure that gives the wealthiest a discount at everyone else’s expense
  • Massachusetts has underinvested in public transit for decades

Engaging in the Platform hearings process can help ensure that the stated, written principles of the Party which holds a veto-proof supermajority in both houses of the Legislature, is as boldly progressive as possible. And it is one of the means by which activists can start to build change “from the ground up” and “from inside.”

However, we must again stress that the Platform is but a promise that has been broken again and again at a legislative level. It’s not enough to craft a strong progressive platform. We need to hold Democratic Legislators to fighting for them.

This is why in addition to our progressive plank recommendations, we ask you to use our Legislative Agenda, which has identified current bills in the 2017-2018 legislative session that would move our Commonwealth in the direction of fulfilling the promises of a strong Platform.

If the Party platform is the promise, the legislation we’ve identified are real, viable steps to fulfilling them.

So, find out where your legislator stands on the bills on our Agenda, and push for their passage. Keep track, and stay involved. SEE MORE AT: PROGRESSIVEMASS.COM/AGENDA

And, we need to keep organizing, building our capacity as an engaged, progressive electorate. One of the biggest parts of politics is just showing up at the right moments. Attend hearings, town halls, and other events in your community–not just to speak your mind, but to connect with neighbors. The fights we face are vast and complex, and we will need strength and endurance and organizing for the long game: we must find allies, organize and work together. Progressive Mass has chapters and community groups all over MA, connecting and organizing, too; building progressive power through grassroots organizing, issue education and electoral/legislative activism is central to our mission. Become a member, connect, sign up! progressivemass.com/signup.

Beacon Hill, How About a Raise for Massachusetts Workers, Too?

A new legislative session in the Legislature typically kicks off with a string of votes setting the rules for the following two years.

But this year, before taking up the rules (or even finalizing offices and committee assignments), the House and Senate voted to raise the salaries and stipends for ranking legislative officers (such as Senate President Stan Rosenberg and House Speaker Robert DeLeo, among others), state constitutional officers (Governor Charlie Baker, AG Maura Healey, etc.), and judges.

And then the Thursday before last, both chambers easily overrode Governor Baker’s veto, with dissent coming from Republicans, a handful of conservative Democrats, and a trio of progressive Democrats (Jon Hecht of Watertown, Denise Provost of Somerville, and Mike Connolly of Cambridge).

Let’s be clear: paying public servants well is important to good governance.

If such offices are not well-compensated, then only those who are already well-off will be interested in running or serving.

And sufficient compensation can also reduce the need for legislators to have jobs on the side, a Pandora’s box of ethics conflicts.

Nonetheless, given the details and the context of the pay raise, it should be no surprise that it has rubbed many progressive voters the wrong way.

Process

First of all, the bill was rushed through at the start of the session without the deliberation and public input that a democratic process necessitates. The numbers in the bill did not come out of thin air—they stem from a 2014 Advisory Commission. But the report has sat largely dormant since then. A report is no substitute for public hearings and debate.

Priorities

But, more importantly, the whole episode reflects poorly on the Legislature’s priorities.

Although some Democratic legislators have spoken out against Governor Baker’s recent $98 million 9C cuts, they have acquiesced to a framework of austerity year after year for the state budget, averse to raising new revenue and content to underinvest in our public infrastructure, from transit and schools.

Funding the pay raise will require either new revenue or new cuts, and Beacon Hill always seems to prefer the latter.

Moreover, despite Democrats’ overwhelmingly large veto-proof majorities in both houses, Leadership (as well as many in the rank-and-file) has adopted a chummy and non-confrontational relationship with Governor Baker. They rarely send bills to his desk that they expect him to veto. This one is a notable profile in courage…for legislator raises. 

It is true that during budget season, Democrats will override line item vetoes (particularly on earmarks), but, overall, the Legislature is advancing a bold and comprehensive progressive agenda—in rhetoric or action–regardless of the affable Governor’s disposition.

A Challenge

The pay raise now is a done deal. We do not subscribe to a conservative frame of starving the beast and drowning governments in bathtubs. But there’s a reason why their actions feel out of touch.

So here’s a challenge to those on Beacon Hill:

If you are willing to override Governor Baker’s veto to give yourselves a raise, then do the same to give workers across the Commonwealth a raise by passing a $15 minimum wage.

If you are willing to override Governor Baker’s veto to give yourselves greater stipends, then do so as well to guarantee workers across the state a necessary benefit like paid family and medical leave.

And if you are willing to override Governor Baker’s veto to invest more in yourselves, then do so to invest in the Commonwealth.


Make Massachusetts a Progressive Fortress: Step 1 by Friday

Progressive Massachusetts proudly announces our 2017-2018 Legislative Agenda for the 190th session of the Mass General Court.

The Moral Urgency of Now: Massachusetts Must Lead.

We are watching the federal government under President Donald Trump, with little braking from the Republican Congress, move us rapidly in a fascist direction that deeply contradicts Massachusetts values and liberties. Resistance is imperative.

What are the ways we can resist? Where can we effect the most dramatic changes, shape a progressive alternative and protect the most people vulnerable under this regime?

Our efforts on the national scene are important–but our impact, as liberals served by Democrats in a majority Republican Congress, is unfortunately, realistically, quite limited.

But, we can make Massachusetts a blue, progressive fortress against Trumpism. There is no excuse for not passing a vigorous progressive agenda in one of the bluest states in the country.

We are no longer in normal times. We cannot abide our super-majority Democratic lawmakers playing by the old rules, the old hesitancies and cautions. This is a moral imperative: through our democratic system, we can must resist, chart an alternative, progressive, path forward, and firmly and proudly establish and protect a system of true justice–in all its dimensions–for all. 

Our recent survey of our members’ (your) issues of top concern served as a guide for the Progressive Mass Issues Committee (PMIC). Over several weeks, committee reached out to legislators, advocates, and allies, to learn about their priorities and the bills to be filed that address them, to explore what bold proposals would galvanize Beacon Hill, and to assess the issue movements with advocacy momentum and energy behind them.

Setting Progressive Goals and a Road Map for Action

Through this intensive process of research, outreach, deliberation, and member input, PMIC has crafted our multi-issue 2017-2018 Progressive Legislative Agenda. Following the four broad planks of our Progressive Platform, the Progressive Legislative Agenda represents a multi-issue road map for the next two years of advocacy for the progressive activist

As many in the BMG community already know, there are specific points of inflection in the life cycle of legislation, when grassroots action and advocacy is more important and has greater impact. Simply stated, timing matters.

We aim to reach out to our progressive network and membership at time-sensitive moments and ask for your action. The first action of many over the next two years: pushing legislators for Co-Sponsorship. And it needs to be done by Friday.

ProgressiveMass.com/takeaction:

Before Friday (the House’s deadline), please contact your State Representative and State Senator, and ask them to cosponsor the bills on our progressive agenda (both House and Senate versions, House and Senate members can cross-cosponsor). All the information, including plain text to copy/paste, if you should require that, is at our action kit: ProgressiveMass.com/takeaction

Note–while the deadline to cosponsor House bills is Friday, February 3rd at 5:00 pm, State Representatives and State Senator can cosponsor Senate bills at any point in the two-year session.

As a statewide, multi-issue, grassroots organizations committed to pushing our state Legislature and Governor to be more progressive, and hold them accountable when they’re not, Progressive Mass believes that the first step towards building a progressive agenda on Beacon Hill begins with outreach and conversations with your state legislators, and asking them to cosponsor and support critical legislation. And when you do reach out to your legislators, we want to hear what you learn. Drop us a line:  issues @ progressivemass.com  

After Marching, Another Step

This past weekend gave a pretty clear visual of how much power we have when we organize together. And we all know that showing up to march was merely the first step of many.

The next is engaging with the political process — via electoral, issue and legislative work — as well as the work of community organizing– building communities of trust, making outreach and strengthening our progressive infrastructure. We’re committed to both. 

This week, we are releasing our 2017-18 Legislative Agenda, and we will be asking progressives to make some noise about how Massachusetts should become a leader again in bold progressive policy. 

The Opposite of Trump

We all want to DO something to stop the coming wave of Trump’s — and the traditional conservatives’ — cruel and incoherent policies on immigration, health care, women’s bodies, education, and their accelerating privatization and corporate kleptocracy. 

While many emerging activist networks are urging outreach to Congress, we’d like to propose that, in Massachusetts, we’ll get a lot more mileage fighting Trump — and making real change, helping real people who are vulnerable — BY focusing on Massachusetts:

  • We could pass a millionaire’s tax, and restore funding to programs destroyed by repeated budget cuts
  • We could pass a $15 minimum wage
  • We could ensure safety and dignity for immigrants and their family
  • We could lead the fight on climate change by investing more in solar and energy efficiency 
  • We could insist on the highest standards for the air we breathe and water we drink
  • We could fully fund excellent public education for all
  • We could pass universal pre-K
  • We could pass Paid Family and Medical Leave 
  • We could re-invest in a 21st century public transportation system
  • We could dismantle the apparatuses of mass incarceration and their racist effects
  • We could mend then strengthen the safety nets that have been cut and frayed to threads

These are changes that are needed. In Massachusetts. 

In Trump’s America, these changes are still possible. In Massachusetts. 

The truth is — We have a lot of work to do to make Massachusetts the progressive ideal that we would like to think we are. 

But the great news is that all of this is not only possible — we are much, much, more influential with our state legislators. AND Democrats have have a Super (duper) Democratic majority in both chambers

If we aren’t passing progressive legislation in Massachusetts, it’s because Democrats are standing in the way. On Beacon Hill, we aren’t fighting Ted Cruzes or Rand Pauls. 

Reminding our elected representatives of the progressive principles at the heart of the Democratic platform, through organized, well-timed, on-going outreach and pressure…we can do this, if we mobilize together. And, this hill, if we climb it, will produce real changes for real people most vulnerable under Trump.

The Legislative session just opened this month. We are starting our 2-year cycle of outreach and advocacy and citizen lobbying afresh. 

Well-timed, informed outreach to your State Rep and State Senator is a key part of the next 2 years: 

  • We will ask our legislators to sign on to our progressive agenda as cosponsors to our highlighted bills (that’s coming right up)
  • We will ask our legislators to advocate with their colleagues to push for the strongest progressive legislation possible
  • We will ask our legislators to stay strong when the going gets tough
  • We will thank them when they stand up for our goals and values–especially when it’s hardest to do
  • We will talk with our neighbors and help them advocate — or help provide the context to help educate where there’s disagreement

This contact is key. We’re asking you to be ready–look up, right now, your State Representative and State Senator

2015-2016 Final Scorecard Analysis

The Senate had a productive second half of the 189th session, and we were happy to see several of our priority bill get passed.

The Fair Share amendment, or “millionaire’s tax,” passed its first constitutional convention. Massachusetts played catch-up to other states by modernizing our public records laws. And the Senate showed how we can continue to be a beacon to other states with bold legislation protecting the rights of trans individuals (and by beating back amendments to weaken it). The Senate’s paid family and medical leave bill, which it passed at the end of the session, would advance such a legacy as well.  However, consistent with a broader pattern, the Paid Leave bill, passing in the Senate, was not taken up by the House. We will continue to fight for it in the new session.

We scored other progressive bills that were not formally included in our legislative agenda, such as the zoning reform bill (which would increase the state’s stock of affordable housing), the family financial protection bill (which would provide greater protections and relief for consumers who are pursued by abusive debt collectors), a bill to divert youth with low-level offenses from going deeper into the justice system, and a bill to increase campaign finance transparency. Only the last one passed the House as well, and we hope to see the others come up again in the next session.

The scores of the Democratic caucus ranged widely, from a low of 39% (James Timilty) to a high of 100% (Jamie Eldridge). 19 Democrats, more than half of the caucus and almost half of the body, achieved a score above 80% for the full session. James Boncore, who elected in a special election in the spring, and Senate President Stan Rosenberg, who does not always choose to vote, join this high-scoring contingent, but on a smaller total of votes. Although many senators scored well, they can all be encouraged to do better in the next session— both in their votes and their leadership and advocacy in pushing progressive priorities.

A note on methodology: Absences are scored as votes against the progressive position: our elected officials are paid to represent us, and that demands showing up to vote. (There can, of course, be extenuating circumstances, which we can point out when brought to our attention). Present votes are scored the same way.  We encourage every constituent with questions about absences — or indeed, any vote — to contact their legislators and directly inquire about their records. Scorecards, as we have articulated elsewhere, are imperfect instruments, but legislators’ votes (or non-presence for votes) are the best material available from which to assess an elected’s record. A call and conversation can be very illuminating about the priorities and decision-making of your representative.

A note on vote selection: Although we commend the Senate for passing paid family and medical leave, we are not scoring it this session because there was only a voice vote. We hope–and will fight to make sure–that it comes up again this session in both houses. And although the public records reform bill that was passed marks an improvement on the status quo, it was watered down enough to achieve unanimity, leaving much work still to do. Scoring the vote would be of little utility to holding legislators accountable—for that, we need to continue to be vigilant and to push for bolder and better reforms.

Final 2015-2016 Scorecard Analysis

Scoring the House can be a tricky endeavor given paucity of votes compared to the Senate. Amendments or bills that might split the Democratic caucus are less likely to get a hearing, let alone a recorded vote. This was especially the case in the second half of the 189th session.

Because of this reluctance, the House had fewer accomplishments than the Senate. It did not, like the Senate, advance legislation to combat wage theft, guarantee paid family and medical leave, protect families from abusive debt collectors, divert youth with low-level offenses from going deeper into the criminal justice system, or set 2030 and 2040 climate benchmarks–to name a few.

However, the session was not without accomplishments The Fair Share amendment, or “millionaire’s tax,” passed its first constitutional convention. Massachusetts played catch-up to other states by modernizing our public records laws, and furthered good government principles by improving campaign finance laws. The House also showed how we can continue to be a beacon to other states by passing legislation protecting the rights of trans individuals (and beating back amendments to weaken it).

The scores of the Democratic caucus ranged widely, from 30% (Colleen Garry) to 100% (Jonathan Hecht). Unlike in the Senate, where no Republican scored above any Democrat, Republicans James Kelcourse and David Vieira scored above Garry, with 35%. Despite such a wide range, 40 Democrats, almost one-third of the caucus, had the same score (78%) as Speaker DeLeo, with 31 of them matching him vote-for-vote. This number would have been higher if not for occasional absences.

Two votes this session highlighted significant contrasts within the Democratic caucus. 31 Democrats voted for an amendment to the trans equality bill that sought to sow confusion about the bill and promote damaging stereotypes by redundantly criminalizing acts of trespassing. And 34 Democrats rightly voted against an amendment by Governor Baker to the bill updating Massachusetts’s IDs to be compliant with the federal REAL ID law. In its attempt to prohibit undocumented immigrants from obtaining state-issued IDs, the amendment created additional hurdles for documented immigrants to do so.

Looking Ahead

Massachusetts can boast the third largest Democratic legislative supermajorities in the country (after Hawaii and Rhode Island). However, a supermajority is only valuable insofar as it is put to use.

In Washington, the conservative agenda of slashing taxes, safety nets, public interest regulations, and civil rights is about to be unleashed.  Given the sharp regress to come, it is time for Massachusetts legislators to step up their game.

With veto-proof majorities in both Houses, Massachusetts Democrats cannot point to Governor Baker for excuses about their failure to pass the bold legislation we need to make our Commonwealth work for all of its residents (and for future generations).

A major obstacle going into 2017 will continue to be the centralization of power into the Speaker’s office–a problem exacerbated in 2015 when House Democrats voted to abolish term limits for Speaker Robert DeLeo (see our scorecard vote #189.2h). The Speaker tightly controls the agenda; under current norms of leadership, the body of work of the MA House will only be as progressive as the Speakers wants it to be. Under Speaker DeLeo, most truly progressive legislative priorities do not even get out of committee, let alone come to a vote — let alone a roll called (recorded) vote.

An important question progressives should consider is, who does their legislator see as his or her most important constituency — voters or the Speaker? One of the aims of  the scorecard is to help provide data for assessment and conversation.

Notes on Process

Methodology & Action: Absences are scored as votes against the progressive position: our elected officials are paid to represent us, and that demands showing up to vote. (There can, of course, be extenuating circumstances, which we can point out when brought to our attention). Present votes are scored the same way.  We encourage every constituent with questions about absences — or indeed, any vote — to contact their legislators and directly inquire about their records. Scorecards, as we have articulated elsewhere, are imperfect instruments, but legislators’ votes (or non-presence for votes) are the best material available from which to assess an elected’s record. A call and conversation can be very illuminating about the priorities and decision-making of your representative.

Vote Selection: Although the public records reform bill that was passed marks an improvement on the status quo, it was watered down enough to achieve unanimity, leaving much work still to do. Scoring the vote would be of little utility to holding legislators accountable—for that, we need to continue to be vigilant and to push for bolder and better reforms.